がちゃぴん日記♪

がちゃぴんタン復活～☆良かったぁ。
夫婦の絆も、深まったようだね♥♥♥

ん～、でも「関白宣言」の最後の歌詞ってなんだっけ??

殿との関係がまたひとつ深いものになったねo(^-^)o
お互いの信頼感や思いやりって大切だよ。
私は旦那とそういう関係を持つことが出来なかったけど(-_-)
殿の言葉(^-^)受け売りでもいいじゃん(*^-^)b
殿はその時に思った事をがちゃぴんに言ったんだからさ(b^-゜)
旦那さんとの間で嬉し泣きができるなんて幸せだねo(^-^)o
私は6年間の夫婦生活で一度も嬉し泣きした事なんてないなぁ――(¬_¬)

お前を嫁に～　貰う前に～　言っておきたい～　事がある～♪
でしょ？( *´艸`)ｸｽｸｽ
知ってる×２！！！！
いつも姑＋小姑の事でいろいろだけど
ガチャピンtan達夫婦は２人の絆がちゃんとしてるから大丈夫だよ！！！
殿がたいへんな時はガチャピンtanが上手いこと支えてるし、
ガチャピンtanがへこんだ時は殿が支えてくれてる。
夫婦としては理想じゃん！！！
逆にうらやましい位だよﾟ.+:｡(*-ω-)(-ω-*)ﾟ.+:｡ｳﾝｳﾝ
特殊な仕事なぶん、２人で頑張って！！！！！

ダンナさんと、いい関係が築けてるなんて、うらやましいな～（*^-^*）
毎日が充実してるのって、ほんとに大切なことだね。
「関白宣言」、ちゃんと最後までは聴いたことないなぁ。
最初のフレーズで鳥肌たっちゃって敬遠してたけど（笑）、さだまさしだから実はいい曲なんだはずね☆
ちゃんと聴いてみようかな♪

Ｒ－ｍａｍａちゃま☆
がちゃぴん、無事に復帰しました(*´∇｀*)
「関白宣言」の最後の歌詞はさ・・・「子供が育ち、年を取ったら～」から始まって、途中の歌詞がいいのよ～「お前のおかげで、いい人生だったと、俺は言うから、必ず言うから～♪」ここがいいの～泣けてくるよ～(/□≦､)ｴｰﾝ!!
こんなこと、言われてみたい～( ´艸｀)ﾑﾌﾟﾌﾟ

☆セリジュ☆
「関白宣言」殿、この歌好きみたいで・・・（´Д｀ヽ）トホホ
なにかある度に、この歌の歌詞を言うのよ・・・（´Д｀ヽ）トホホ
前は、「俺は浮気はしない～」とか言ってた・・・何の前触れもなく、こんな
こと言われたら、ちょっと怖いよ・・・（||||ﾟ　＿　ﾟ　；）
なんなの～？みたいな・・・

☆★鮎魚★ちゃま☆
そうそう、♪お前を嫁に～♪だよ・・・(*´∇｀*)
これで、世代の差を感じるよね～（´Д｀ヽ）トホホ
がちゃぴんちは、２人の意見が一致してないと、持たない仕事だから、
これからも、いろいろ問題はあるだろうけど、がんばるよ！
ありがとう！★鮎魚★のコメントに涙が・・・(TДT;)ｼｸｼｸ
♪姑・小姑、賢くこなせ～♪
お互い、がんばろうね！

☆はにゃこちゃま☆
がちゃぴんも最初のフレーズで、ちょっとカオが固まった感あったよ～
でも、実はいい曲かも(人´∀｀)．☆．。．:*･°
う～ん！納得みたいな感じ！
がんばって、聞いてみちゃってみる～？(*´∇｀*)

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美国医学界在2011年首次提出了“精准医学”的概念，今年1月20日，奥巴马又在美国国情咨文中提出“精准医学计划”，希望精准医学可以引领一个医学新时代。10月8日，2015全球创新论坛纽约峰会在纽约穆迪总部大楼举办。乐土投资集团CEO刘如银在峰会上介绍了他的精准医疗生态圈的想法。

刘如银介绍了乐土投资在美国的国际化实践，包括在美国的地产投资拓展，以及最新投资的医疗健康项目。乐土投资集团(CLIG)定位以硅谷的高科技投资为引擎，以科技医疗和互联网金融为两翼，链接最具价值的深科技健康项目，服务国际大健康和科技发展。

美国财政预算计划在2016年拨付给美国国立卫生研究院(NIH)、美国食品药品监督管理局(FDA)、美国国家医疗信息技术协调办公室(ONC)等机构共2.15亿美元用于资助这方面的科学研究与创新发展。

刘如银说：美国的精准医疗主要是围绕着基因组、蛋白组等方面的检测，也就是围绕分子生物学的特性，针对个体化的病理特征进行治疗。而我们所关注的不仅如此，更是系统化的，全过程、全要素、全局性的对医疗过程和临床实践进行优化。我们所指的精准医疗也是针对每一个病人的具体病情，正确选择并精确的应用适当的治疗方法。刘如银认为：精准医疗的最终目标是以最小化的医源性损害、最低化的医疗资源耗费去获得最大化的病患的效益，其前景不可限量。

精准医疗要做到个性、高效及预防的关键在于筛查和诊断，因此基因测序等检测诊断技术的发展是关键。成本的下降让基因测序商业化市场的打开成为可能，基因测序技术的成熟和商用经过了多年的发展，1980 年自动测序仪出现，2001 年完成了人类基因组框架图标志着这一技术的成熟，2007 年二代基因测序技术大幅降低测序成本，使得这一技术应用出现可能，以走在前列的Illumina 公司为例，该公司自2007 年起把当时每个基因组的测序成本费用从1000万美元降到了当下的1000 美元， 根据Illumina 公司数据，全球NGS(二代基因测序)的应用市场规模预计为200 亿美元，药品研发和临床应用是增速最快的领域，增速超过15%，肿瘤诊断和个性化用药是最有应用前景的领域，市场规模120亿美元。乐土投资与Illumina以及新一代的基因检测公司Genalyte, Centrillion都有着合作关系。

刘如银说：精准医疗作为医疗模式的革新对提高我国国民健康水平有重要意义，将在基因测序技术发展和国家政策的推动下迎来黄金发展期。精准治疗是下一个新兴朝阳行业，我们关注基因测序、肿瘤诊断及个性化用药等相关投资机会。

全球创新论坛纽约峰会由全美华人金融协会(The Chinese Finance Association, TCFA) 主办。全美华人金融协会于一九九四年在美国成立。分布在世界各地的会员来自华尔街投行、基金、监管部门、和学术界，已成为联系中美金融界最重要的桥梁之一。协会定期举行学术年会。协会本部设在纽约，并在波士顿，华盛顿，旧金山，伦敦，香港，北京和上海等金融中心设有分会。

原招商银行行长马蔚华，中信银行美国分行行长文兵，汉世纪投资管理有限公司合伙人吴皓，联合国南南合作办首席经济与投资专家杨庆宏等参加了本年度会议并发表了讲话。

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A major change that has occurred while in the Western family is undoubtedly an increased incidence in divorce. Whereas around the past, divorce was a relatively rare occurrence, in recent times it has become extremely commonplace. This change is borne out clearly in census figures. For example thirty years ago in Australia, only one particular marriage in ten ended in divorce; nowadays the figure is greater than just one in three (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1996: p.45). A consequence of this change is a substantial increase with the quantity of solitary parent families in addition to the attendant problems that this brings (Kilmartin, 1997).
An important issue for sociologists, and indeed for all of society, is why these changes in marital patterns have occurred. Within this essay I will seek to critically examine a lot of sociological explanations for your 'divorce phenomenon' and also consider the social policy implications that each and every explanation carries with it. It will be argued that the greatest explanations are to be found inside of a broad socio-economic framework.
Just one type of explanation for rising divorce has focused on changes in laws relating to marriage. For example, Bilton, Bonnett and Jones (1987) argue that increased rates of divorce do not necessarily indicate that families are now considerably more unstable. It is achievable, they claim, that there has always been a degree of marital instability. They suggest that changes from the law have been significant, basically because they have provided unhappily married couples with 'entry into a legal resolution to pre-existent marital problems' (p.301). Bilton et al. therefore believe that changes in divorce rates is usually most effective explained in terms of changes inside the legal solution. The problem with this type of explanation however, is the fact that it does not consider why these laws have changed inside of the primary put. It could be argued that reforms to family law, at the same time since the increased rate of divorce that has accompanied them, are the product of far more fundamental changes in society.
Another type of explanation is one particular that focuses precisely on these broad societal changes. For example, Nicky Hart (cited in Haralambos, 1995) argues that increases in divorce and marital breakdown are the result of economic changes that have affected the family. A particular example of these changes is the raised material aspirations of families, which Hart suggests has put pressure on equally spouses to become wage earners. Women as a result have been forced to become both of those homemakers and economic providers. According to Hart, the contradiction of these two roles has lead to conflict and this is the main cause of marital breakdown. It would appear that Hart's explanation cannot account for all cases of divorce - for example, marital breakdown is liable to occur in families where only the husband is working. Nevertheless, her tactic, which is to relate changes in family relations to broader social forces, would feel to be added probing than a person that looks only at legislative change.
The two explanations described higher than have very different implications for social policy, primarily in relation to how the problem of increasing marital instability could perhaps be dealt with. Bilton et al. (1995) offer a legal explanation and hence would see the solutions also being determined during this domain. If rises in divorce are thought to be the consequence of liberal divorce laws, the obvious way to stem this rise is to make them less obtainable. This strategy, one particular imagines, would lead to the reduction in divorce statistics; however, it cannot really be held up as a genuine resolution to the problems of marital stress and breakdown in society. Indeed it would feel to be a resolution directed a little more at symptoms than addressing fundamental causes. Furthermore, the knowledge of social workers, working during the area of family welfare suggests that restricting a couple's obtain to divorce would in some cases serve only to exacerbate present marital problems (Johnson, 1981). In those cases where violence is involved, the consequences could be tragic. Apart from all this, returning to increased restrictive divorce laws appears to be to be a choice minor favoured by Australians. (Harrison, 1990).
Hart (cited in Haralambos, 1995), creating from the Marxist-feminist position, traces marital conflict to changes with the capitalist economic product and their resultant effect around the roles of men and women. It is difficult to know however, how these kinds of an analysis could possibly be translated into practical social policies. This is merely because the Hart program would appear to require from the number one destination a radical restructuring in the economic strategy. Whilst this may be desirable for some, it isn't really achievable around the existing political climate. Hart is right however, to suggest that substantially marital conflict are often linked in some way to the economic circumstances of families. This is borne out in various statistical surveys which reveal consistently that rates of divorce are higher among socially disadvantaged families (McDonald, 1993). This situation suggests then that social policies really want to be geared to providing assistance and security for these varieties of families. It is minor cause for optimism however, that in recent years governments of all persuasions have revealed an increasing reluctance to fund social welfare programs of this kind.
It is difficult to offer a comprehensive explanation for that growing trend of marital breakdown; and it is even additional difficult to uncover solutions that may ameliorate the problems created by it. Clearly though, as I have argued during this essay, quite possibly the most useful answers are to be found not inside a narrow legal framework, but inside a broader socio-economic a particular.
Finally, it is worth pointing out that, whilst we may appear to be living within a time of increased family instability, research suggests that historically, instability may have been the norm rather than the exception. As Bell and Zajdow (1997) point out, on the past, solitary parent and step families had been additional general than is assumed - although the disruptive influence then was not divorce, but the premature death of an individual or equally parents. This situation suggests that in studying the modern-day family, 1 needs to employ a historical perspective, such as the possibility of exploring to the past in searching for ways of dealing with problems on the existing.
References
Australian Bureau of Statistics (1996). Divorces, Australia. Canberra: Australian Government Printing Program.
Bell, R. and G. Zajdow (1997) Family and household. In R. Jureidini, S. Kenny and M. Poole (eds). Sociology: Australian Connections. St Leonards. NSW: Allen and Unwin
Bilton, T. K. Bonnett and P. Jones (1987). Introductory Sociology. 2nd edition. London: MacMillan.
Haralambos, M. (1995). Sociology: Themes and Perspectives. 3rd edition. London: Bell and Hyman.
Harrison, M. (1995). Grounds for divorce. Family Matters. No 42 pp 34-35.
Johnson, V. (1981). The Last Resort: A Women's Refuge. Ringwood: Penguin.
Kilmartin, C. (1997). Children divorce and one-parent families. Family Matters. No. 48. ( Accessible On-line )
McDonald, P. (1993). Family Trends and Structure in Australia. Australian Family Briefings No 3. Melbourne: Australian Institute of Family Studies.

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